欢迎参加弗里曼教授《美国革命史》课程研读活动！

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  Dr.Faustus (大学之道，在作新民) 管理员 楼主 2013-05-23 14:44:09

  关于“美国革命史”的课程材料，在此稍作补充：

  1. 弗里曼教授的《美国革命史》25讲视频资料已有多家网站可供下载，尤以网易公开课质量为佳，建议大家去那里提前拷贝一下相关资料。
  2. 李剑鸣、何顺果、贝林、阿伦特、邓恩、索雷等专家教授等人的中文著作流传很广，建议购买正版，实在困难的童鞋也不妨从网上荡几本凑合一下。

  3、第八周和第九周涉及三篇美国核心史学期刊上的论文，请有条件的童鞋去有条件从jstor下载它们的亲友那里求助。 4、弗里曼教授在第一讲中提到的几本大牛的英文原版书，貌似亚马逊、淘宝上都可以买到，实在找不到的话，请京津沪几所一流大学的童鞋帮着从图书馆借一下吧。 5、在京的豆友欢迎到我的私人藏书室叨扰。

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  Dr.Faustus (大学之道，在作新民) 管理员 楼主 2013-05-24 06:30:55

  再唠叨几句：英语已过六级，或已通过英语笔译三级的豆友，建议找不带字幕的讲座视频，看的时候把注意力集中在弗里曼教授的表情和手势上，而不是紧盯着屏幕下方的字幕，否则会错过很多精彩的细节。此外，建议已经在读美国史专业研究生的童鞋多读读伯纳德·贝林和戈登·伍德的几本原著，尤其是《美国政治的起源》、《美利坚共和国的创建》、《过去的目的》这三本。弗里曼教授的课程大纲原文也顺便附在这里，供豆友们参考。

  附：弗里曼教授《美国革命史》课程大纲

  Lecture 1 Introduction: Freeman's Top Five Tips for Studying the Revolution
  Lecture 2 Being a British Colonist
  Lecture 3 Being a British American
  Lecture 4 "Ever at Variance and Foolishly Jealous": Intercolonial Relations
  Lecture 5 Outraged Colonials: The Stamp Act Crisis
  Lecture 6 Resistance or Rebellion? (Or, What the Heck is Happening in Boston?)
  Lecture 7 Being a Revolutionary
  Lecture 8 The Logic of Resistance
  Lecture 9 Who Were the Loyalists?
  Lecture 10 Common Sense
  Lecture 11 Independence
  Lecture 12 Civil War
  Lecture 13 Organizing a War
  Lecture 14 Heroes and Villains
  Lecture 15 Citizens and Choices: Experiencing the Revolution in New Haven
  Lecture 16 The Importance of George Washington
  Lecture 17 The Logic of a Campaign (or, How in the World Did We Win?)
  Lecture 18 Fighting the Revolution: The Big Picture
  Lecture 19 War and Society
  Lecture 20 Confederation
  Lecture 21 A Union Without Power
  Lecture 22 The Road to the Constitutional Convention
  Lecture 23 Creating a Constitution
  Lecture 24 Creating a Nation
  Lecture 25 Being an American: The Legacy of the Revolution

  1. Introduction: Freeman's Top Five Tips for Studying the Revolution

  Professor Freeman offers an introduction to the course, summarizing the readings and discussing the course's main goals. She also offers five tips for studying the Revolution: 1) Avoid thinking about the Revolution as a story about facts and dates; 2) Remember that words we take for granted today, like "democracy," had very different meanings; 3) Think of the "Founders" as real people rather than mythic historic figures; 4) Remember that the "Founders" aren’t the only people who count in the Revolution; 5) Remember the importance of historical contingency: that anything could have happened during the Revolution.

  None assigned.

  2. Being a British Colonist

  Professor Freeman discusses what it meant to be a British colonist in America in the eighteenth century. She explains how American colonists had deep bonds of tradition and culture with Great Britain. She argues that, as British colonists with a strong sense of their British liberties, settlers in America valued their liberties above all else. She also explains that many Americans had a sense of inferiority when they compared their colonial lifestyles to the sophistication of Europe. Professor Freeman discusses the social order in America during the eighteenth century, and suggests that the lack of an entrenched aristocracy made social rank more fluid in America than in Europe. She ends the lecture by suggesting that the great importance that American colonists placed on British liberties and their link with Britain helped pave the way for the Revolution.

  None assigned.

  3. Being a British American

  Professor Freeman discusses the differences between society in the American colonies and society in Britain in the eighteenth century. She uses examples from colonists' writings to show that the American colonies differed from British society in three distinct ways: the distinctive character of the people who migrated to the colonies; the distinctive conditions of life in British America; and the nature of British colonial administration.

  Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 27-69

  4. "Ever at Variance and Foolishly Jealous": Intercolonial Relations

  Professor Freeman discusses colonial attempts to unite before the 1760s and the ways in which regional distrust and localism complicated matters. American colonists joined together in union three times before the 1760s. Two of these attempts were inspired by the necessity of self-defense; the third attempt was instigated by the British as a means of asserting British control over the colonies.

  Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 27-69

  5. Outraged Colonials: The Stamp Act Crisis

  Professor Freeman concludes her discussion (from the previous lecture) of the three early instances in which the American colonies joined together to form a union. She then turns to a discussion of the Stamp Act crisis, and how American colonists found a shared bond through their dissatisfaction with the Stamp Act. Faced with massive national debts incurred by the recent war with France, Prime Minister George Grenville instituted several new taxes to generate revenue for Britain and its empire. The colonists saw these taxes as signaling a change in colonial policy, and thought their liberties and rights as British subjects were being abused. These feelings heightened with the Stamp Act of 1765. Finding a shared cause in their protestations against these new British acts, Americans set the foundation for future collaboration between the colonies.

  Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution, Introduction and chapters 1-5 Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 72-96, 98-136, 138-55.

  6. Resistance or Rebellion? (Or, What the Heck is Happening in Boston?)

  Professor Freeman discusses the mounting tensions between the colonists and the British in the late 1760s and early 1770s. The Virginia Resolves were published and read throughout the colonies in 1765, and generated discussion about colonial rights and liberties. Colonies began working together to resolve their problems, and formed the Stamp Act Congress in 1765. Meanwhile, Boston was becoming more radicalized and mobs began acting out their frustration with British policies. Colonists began to believe that the British were conspiring to oppress their liberties, a belief that seemed to be confirmed when the British stationed troops in Boston. The mounting tension between the Bostonians and British troops culminated in the violence of the Boston Massacre in March 1770.

  Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution, Introduction and chapters 1-5 Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 72-96, 98-136, 138-55.

  7. Being a Revolutionary

  Professor Freeman continues her discussion of the Boston Massacre and how it represented a growing sense of alienation between the American colonists and the British authorities. The Americans and British both felt that the colonies were subordinate to Parliament in some way, but differed in their ideas of the exact nature of the imperial relationship. This period saw the formation of non-importation associations to discourage merchants from importing British goods, as well as committees of correspondence to coordinate resistance. One instance of such resistance occurred in December 1773, when Boston radicals who were frustrated with the Tea Act threw shipments of tea into Boston Harbor.

  Bailyn, Faces of Revolution, chapters 1-2, 8-9

  8. The Logic of Resistance

  Professor Freeman lays out the logic of American resistance to British imperial policy during the 1770s. Prime Minister Lord North imposed the Intolerable Acts on Massachusetts to punish the radicals for the Boston Tea Party, and hoped that the act would divide the colonies. Instead, the colonies rallied around Massachusetts because they were worried that the Intolerable Acts set a new threatening precedent in the imperial relationship. In response to this seeming threat, the colonists formed the First Continental Congress in 1774 to determine a joint course of action. The meeting of the First Continental Congress is important for four reasons: it forced the colonists to clarify and define their grievances with Britain; it helped to form ties between the colonies; it served as a training ground for young colonial politicians; and in British eyes, it symbolized a step towards rebellion. The lecture concludes with a look at the importance of historical lessons for the colonists, and how these lessons helped form a "logic of resistance" against the new measures that Parliament was imposing upon the colonies.

  Bailyn, Faces of Revolution, chapters 1-2, 8-9

  9. Who Were the Loyalists?

  The lecture first concludes the discussion of the First Continental Congress, which met in 1774. Ultimately, although its delegates represented a range of opinions, the voices of the political radicals in the Congress were the loudest. In October 1774, the Continental Congress passed both the radical Suffolk Resolves and the Declaration and Resolves, which laid out the colonists' grievances with Parliament. The Congress also sent a petition to the King which warned him that the British Parliament was stripping the American colonists of their rights as English citizens. Given such radical measures, by early 1775, many American colonists were choosing sides in the growing conflict, and many chose to be Loyalists. Professor Freeman concludes her lecture with a discussion of the varied reasons why different Loyalists chose to support the British Crown, and what kinds of people tended to be Loyalists in the American Revolution.

  Paine, Common Sense Bailyn, Faces of Revolution, chapter 4 Raphael, A People's History of the American Revolution, chapter 4 Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 229-30, 233-38, 247-54

  10. Common Sense

  This lecture focuses on the best-selling pamphlet of the American Revolution: Thomas Paine's Common Sense, discussing Paine's life and the events that led him to write his pamphlet. Published in January of 1776, it condemned monarchy as a bad form of government, and urged the colonies to declare independence and establish their own form of republican government. Its incendiary language and simple format made it popular throughout the colonies, helping to radicalize many Americans and pushing them to seriously consider the idea of declaring independence from Britain.

  Paine, Common Sense Bailyn, Faces of Revolution, chapter 4 Raphael, A People's History of the American Revolution, chapter 4 Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 229-30, 233-38, 247-54

  11. Independence

  In this lecture, Professor Freeman discusses the Declaration of Independence and sets the document in its historical context. The Declaration was not the main focus of the Second Continental Congress, which was largely concerned with organizing the defensive war effort. The Congress had sent King George III the Olive Branch Petition in a last attempt at reconciliation in August 1775, but the King ignored the petition and declared the colonies to be in rebellion. Throughout the colonies, local communities began debating the issue of independence on their own, often at the instruction of their colonial legislatures, and these local declarations of independence contributed to the formal declaration of independence by the Continental Congress in July 1776. Professor Freeman concludes the lecture by describing the decision to have Thomas Jefferson draft the Declaration.

  Gross, The Minutemen and Their World Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 170-72, 180-88

  12. Civil War

  Professor Freeman concludes the discussion of the Declaration of Independence. The Declaration was widely circulated and read aloud throughout the colonies. Professor Freeman argues that by 1775-1776, British and American citizens were operating under different assumptions about how the conflict between them could be resolved. The American colonists began to organize themselves for defensive measures against an aggressive British state. Meanwhile, the British assumed that the rebels were a minority group, and if they could suppress this radical minority through an impressive display of force, the rest of the colonists would submit to their governance again. Spring of 1775 saw the beginnings of military conflict between the British army and colonial militias, with fighting at Lexington, Concord, and Breed's Hill. As a result, the colonists began to seriously consider the need for independence, and the Continental Congress began the process of organizing a war.

  Gross, The Minutemen and Their World Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 170-72, 180-88.

  13. Organizing a War

  In this lecture, Professor Freeman discusses four difficulties that the Continental Congress faced in organizing the colonial war effort: regionalism, localism, the supply shortage that the Continental Army faced in providing for its troops, and the Continental Congress's inexperience in organizing an army. The lecture concludes with a discussion of a Connecticut newspaper from July 1776.

  Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 189-222

  14. Heroes and Villains

  In this lecture, Professor Freeman discusses Benedict Arnold as a case study of the ways in which ideas about regionalism, social rank, and gender--and the realities of the Continental Congress and the Continental Army--played out in this period. Like many Americans during this period, Benedict Arnold thought that he could improve his social rank and reputation in the military, but he was unable to advance due to the Continental Congress's policy on military promotions. Frustrated and facing mounting personal debts, he decided to aid the British in exchange for a reward. Arnold and his wife Peggy developed a plan for Arnold to smuggle American military plans to the British with the help of a young British soldier named John André. However, André was captured while smuggling Arnold's papers and the plot quickly unraveled. In the end, Arnold fled; his wife played upon conventional stereotypes of women to avoid punishment; and André was executed but idealized in the process.

  Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution, chapters 6-12 Bailyn, Faces of Revolution, chapters 3 and 5 Cray, "Major John Andre and the Three Captors"

  15. Citizens and Choices: Experiencing the Revolution in New Haven

  To show how Americans experienced the war and made difficult choices, Professor Freeman offers a spur-of-the-moment lecture on New Haven during the Revolution, discussing how Yale College students and New Haven townspeople gradually became caught up in the war. Warfare finally came to New Haven in July 1779 when the British army invaded the town. Professor Freeman draws on first-hand accounts to provide a narrative of the invasion of New Haven.

  Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution, chapters 6-12 Bailyn, Faces of Revolution, chapters 3 and 5 Cray, "Major John Andre and the Three Captors"

  16. The Importance of George Washington

  This lecture focuses on George Washington and the combined qualities that made him a key figure in Revolutionary America, arguing that the most crucial reason for his success as a national leader was that he proved repeatedly that he could be trusted with power - a vital quality in a nation fearful of the collapse of republican governance at the hands of a tyrant.

  Raphael, A People's History of the American Revolution, chapter 2 McDonnell, "Popular Mobilization and Political Culture in Revolutionary Virginia" Schwartz, "George Washington and the Whig Conception of Heroic Leadership"

  17. The Logic of a Campaign (or, How in the World Did We Win?)

  In this lecture, Professor Freeman explains the logic behind American and British military strategy during the early phases of the Revolution. First, she discusses the logistic disadvantages of the British during the war: the difficulties shipping men and supplies from more than three thousand miles away; the vast expanse of countryside with no one central target to attack; difficulties in recruiting British soldiers to fight in America; and the fact that the British faced a citizen army comprised of highly motivated soldiers who didn't act in predictable ways. In addition, the British consistently underestimated the revolutionaries in America, and overestimated Loyalist support. Professor Freeman also discusses the four main phases of the Revolutionary War, differentiated by shifts in British strategy. During the earliest phase of the war, the British thought that a show of military force would quickly lead to reconciliation with the colonists. During the second phase, the British resolved to seize a major city - New York - in the hope that isolating New England from the rest of the colonies would end hostilities. By 1777, the war had entered its third phase, and the British set their sights on seizing Philadelphia and defeating George Washington. This phase ended with the Battle of Saratoga in late 1777.

  Raphael, A People's History of the American Revolution, chapter 2 McDonnell, "Popular Mobilization and Political Culture in Revolutionary Virginia" Schwartz, "George Washington and the Whig Conception of Heroic Leadership"

  18. Fighting the Revolution: The Big Picture

  Today's lecture concludes Professor Freeman's discussion of the four phases of the Revolutionary War. America's victory at the Battle of Saratoga in 1777 marked the end of the third phase of the war, and led to a turning point in the conflict: France's decision to recognize American independence and enter into an alliance with the fledging nation. Although the British made one final attempt at reconciliation in 1778 with the Conciliatory Propositions, they were rejected by the Continental Congress. The fourth and final phase of the war lasted from 1779 to 1781, as the British Army focused its attention on the American South. The British seized Charleston and South Carolina, and defeated the Continental Army in a series of battles. But with the help of the French fleet, Washington was able to defeat Cornwallis's army at the Battle of Yorktown in 1781. Peace negotiations to end the Revolutionary War began in Paris in June of 1782.

  Raphael, A People's History of the American Revolution, chapters 3, 5-6 Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 224-28, 238-47, 256-85, 287-305

  19. War and Society

  In this lecture, Professor Freeman discusses the experiences of African Americans, women, and Native Americans during the Revolution, framing her discussion within a larger historical debate over whether or not the Revolution was "radical." Freeman ultimately concludes that while white American males improved their position in society as a result of the Revolution, women, African Americans, and Native Americans did not benefit in the same ways.

  Raphael, A People's History of the American Revolution, chapters 3, 5-6 Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 224-28, 238-47, 256-285, 287-305

  20. Confederation

  This lecture discusses the ongoing political experimentation involved in creating new constitutions for the new American states. Having declared independence from Great Britain, Americans had to determine what kind of government best suited their individual states as well as the nation at large; to many, this was the "whole object" of their revolutionary turmoil. Different people had different ideas about what kind of republican government would work best for their state. Should there be a unicameral or a bicameral legislature? How should political representation be organized and effected? How far should the principle of popular sovereignty be taken?

  Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 341-74

  21. A Union Without Power

  In this lecture, Professor Freeman discusses the Articles of Confederation. Although they seem hopelessly weak in the long view of history, the Articles made perfect sense as a first stab at a national government by a people who deeply distrusted centralized power - a direct product of their recent experience of the British monarchy. Among the many issues that complicated the drafting of the Articles, three central issues included: how war debts to European nations would be divided among the states; whether western territories should be sold by the national government to pay for those debts; and how large and small states would compromise on representation. When a series of events - like Shays' Rebellion - highlighted the weaknesses of the Articles, some Americans felt ready to consider a stronger national government.

  Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 341-74

  22. The Road to the Constitutional Convention

  In this lecture, Professor Freeman discusses how the new nation moved towards creating a stronger, more centralized national government than the Articles of Confederation. Complications of commerce between individual states - a factor that wasn't regulated by the Articles - led to a series of interstate gatherings, like the Mount Vernon Conference of March 1785. Some strong nationalists saw these meetings as an ideal opportunity to push towards revising the Articles of Confederation. Professor Freeman ends with a discussion of James Madison's preparations for the Federal Convention, and the importance of his notes in understanding the process by which delegates drafted a new Constitution.

  Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution, chapters 13-19 Raphael, A People's History of the American Revolution, chapter 7 Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 1-25, 306-309, 494-521

  23. Creating a Constitution

  Professor Freeman discusses the debate over the Constitution at the Federal Convention of 1787 - a convention that by no means had an inevitable outcome. Indeed, even attending the Convention at all was a subject of debate in the individual states; many people feared that the Convention would produce a pseudo-monarchical form of government that would abandon the true significance of the Revolution. Ostensibly called to revise the Articles of Confederation, the meeting ultimately produced an entirely new form of government, in part, thanks to the influence of James Madison's "Virginia Plan" of government. Professor Freeman focuses on three subjects of debate among the many that occupied the Convention: the debates over representation, slavery, and the nature of the executive branch.

  Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution, chapters 13-19 Raphael, A People's History of the American Revolution, chapter 7 Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 1-25, 306-309, 494-521

  24. Creating a Nation

  Professor Freeman discusses the national debate over the proposed Constitution, arguing that in many ways, when Americans debated its ratification, they were debating the consequences and meaning of the Revolution. Some feared that a stronger, more centralized government would trample on the rights and liberties that had been won through warfare, pushing the new nation back into tyranny, monarchy, or aristocracy. The Federalist essays represented one particularly ambitious attempt to quash Anti-Federalist criticism of the Constitution. In the end, the Anti-Federalists did have one significant victory, securing a Bill of Rights to be added after the new Constitution had been ratified by the states.

  Bailyn, Faces of Revolution, chapter 10 Hamilton, The Federalist Papers, pp. vii-xxxi, lix, #1-10, 15, 21, 33, 70, 84-85 Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 389-438, 451-81

  25. Being an American: The Legacy of the Revolution

  Professor Freeman discusses when we can consider a revolution to have ended, arguing that a revolution is finally complete when a new political regime gains general acceptance throughout society - and that, for this reason, it is the American citizenry who truly decided the fate and trajectory of the American Revolution. Yet, in deciding the meaning of the Revolution, the evolving popular memory of its meaning counts as well. Founders like Thomas Jefferson and John Adams frequently told younger Americans not to revere the Revolution and its leaders as demigods, insisting that future generations were just as capable, if not more so, of continuing and improving America's experiment in government. Professor Freeman concludes the lecture by suggesting that the ultimate lesson of the American Revolution is that America's experiment in government was supposed to be an ongoing process; that the Revolution taught Americans that their political opinions and actions mattered a great deal - and that they still do.

  Bailyn, Faces of Revolution, chapter 10 Hamilton, The Federalist Papers, pp. vii-xxxi, lix, #1-10, 15, 21, 33, 70, 84-85 Brown, Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution, pp. 389-438, 451-81

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  桑巴特博士 (好德如好色) 组长 2013-05-24 09:04:08

  戈登·伍德的书建议大家好好读一下。还记得《心灵捕手》里马特·达蒙演的那个屌丝吗？当年就是靠拽戈登·伍德震住了几个高富帅，成功逆袭泡了一个白富美，知识就是力量！望大家好德如好色，好好读几本书，暑假里咱们好好聊聊。

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  Dr.Faustus (大学之道，在作新民) 管理员 楼主 2013-05-24 10:49:06

  呵呵，好一个“好德如好色”！的确，象牙塔里的天之骄子们应该少看些毛片，多读些正经书。记得新东方的阮晔老师有一个很好的励志视频，大意也是如此。不扯这些了，搞点儿有建设性的东西——我把弗里曼教授《美国革命史》课程的参考书做了一个豆列，希望大家能按图索骥，找起书来少走些弯路，多省点时间读书： http://book.douban.com/doulist/2490863/

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  missprejudice 2013-05-24 23:50:39

  可以报个名吗..

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  Dr.Faustus (大学之道，在作新民) 管理员 楼主 2013-05-25 00:46:34

  当然可以，建议从这十四个专题中找一两个自己感兴趣的，早作准备，届时欢迎就该话题发表有干货的看法，与大家分享。

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  Dr.Faustus (大学之道，在作新民) 管理员 楼主 2013-05-25 01:21:15

  我的设想是，在7月份之前，大家都能对课程内容有所研读，起码看一遍视频。在此基础之上，就每个专题，分别在小组里讨论一周。边讨论边参照和回顾相关的课程资料，尽量做到无一字不识，无一句不通，无一篇不懂。以这种地毯式、海绵式的、总体战式的大讨论，争取充分消化所研读的全部内容。 以前在学校读研的时候，上研讨课，即使每次有一两个小时的时间，也感觉大家的交流和争锋非常有限，到头来蜻蜓点水浮光掠影一知半解似懂非懂，效果很差。其根本原因就在于课前准备不足、课上讨论太少、课后巩固不力。我想，若是大家准备充足一点，讨论全面一点，总结及时一点，效果可能会更好些。

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  [已注销] 2013-05-25 02:46:42

  [内容不可见]

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  Dr.Faustus (大学之道，在作新民) 管理员 楼主 2013-05-25 06:41:55

  欢迎阿修老师！

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  Dr.Faustus (大学之道，在作新民) 管理员 楼主 2013-05-25 07:21:32

  关于弗里曼教授的讲座视频，如何研读，豆友们可能八仙过海可有神通，就我个人而言，也有几点心得，望大家在预习时酌情参考： 1、关于播放器：工欲善其事必先利其器，建议选用7寸以上的屏幕，若是太小，时间久了，比较伤眼。 2、关于播放速度：刚开始的时候，建议选用减速播放，0.8或0.9，视自己的听力水平而定。弗里曼教授语速极快，记得七年前我作为交换生到耶鲁历史系进修时，跟她上课，头几次根本跟不上，着急得很。在电脑上看视频就不一样，可酌情减速或暂停，以保证研习效果和质量。 3、中学生童鞋或大学还没过英语六级的童鞋，建议研习讲座视频的时候，除减速和暂停之外，可适当跟读。试一下，听听自己的发音、语调、节奏，坚持下来，会有奇效。 4、建议女童鞋不要太为弗里曼教授的服饰分心。当年我老婆看了视频的第一反映就是，弗里曼教授好会着装啊！抱着mp5就去朗姿了，照着二十几套衣服一顿猛挑，刷卡刷得我肝儿颤！（谢天谢地，她还没去菜百，否则我得审多少稿子，才能把卡债挣回来啊）但话说回来，女童鞋多参考参考弗里曼教授的服饰搭配，对自己的形象和气质提升也有帮助。（女童鞋的男友们多担待哈，你们挣得钱不就是给她们花的吗，一个负责艰苦奋斗，一个负责貌美如花，天经地义，呵呵）弗里曼教授读研之前，曾在文博系统干过七年的公共史学讲解员，十分擅长在有限的时间内把讲座的精华内容巧妙包装精准传播出去。她的气场很妙，一言不发时，也能把你的注意力吸引到她身上；一旦开口，则在谈笑间咳珠唾玉，让人心悦诚服。这种气质，在美国女性历史学家当中，以我目前之所见，除鲍琳·梅耶之外，罕有其匹。（说着说着就扯远了，言归正传，希望大家利用暑假之前的空余时间，好好研习一下弗里曼教授的讲座视频。咱们七月份小组讨论的时候，争取少谈八卦，多说正题，加油！）

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  Dr.Faustus (大学之道，在作新民) 管理员 楼主 2013-05-25 08:21:52

  关于课程参考资料，再补充几句： 1、弗里曼教授列的几本英文专著和三篇学术论文，建议有志于美国研究或正在研究美国问题的童鞋精读原文，少看译作。把伍德的《激进主义》啃下来，很不容易，但若要以美国研究为志业，研读一手资料是避不开的（建议童鞋们有空翻一翻我责编的《入江昭治史心得》，看看这位日裔美国历史学会主席是怎样炼成的）。 2、非历史专业的大学童鞋，可能会对书单发怵。的确，从兴趣到常识，从常识到专业，是要经过几个进阶的。童鞋若无意深研，仅作兴趣和常识性了解，不妨先读一读美国的通识作品。目前市场上的这类作品很多，鱼龙混杂，望童鞋们慎入。依我个人之见，建议不要找那些“一口气”“一个周末”就能读完的美国史。这些东西跟老罗批判的“不不不派”一样，不付出何谈回报，看得快忘得也快。建议大家细心读一读翻译过来的美国大学政治或历史教材，如托马斯·帕特森的《美国政治文化》，加里·纳什的《美国人民》，都相当不错。 3、中学生童鞋若没有上面的积累，在这里可能只是看热闹。中学历史教材里的那些东西十分有限，而且借用英国著名历史学家巴特菲尔德的话说，大多是过于简化的辉格党式宏大叙事，也就是考试用用，估计你们高考完之后就会把它们处决。记得曾经看过一则报道，某地学生高考完之后，对教材和教师发动了苦大仇深的“造反”，焚书，打老师，可算解了恨了，令人触目惊心。若不能做你所爱，爱你所做，的确也够憋屈的。在这里，建议童鞋读一读斯塔夫里阿诺斯的《全球通史》，看看真正的史学大牛是如何讲世界历史的。也许，读了这套书之后，你会对历史研究真正产生兴趣。 4、最后顺便说一下，上面提到的《入江昭治史心得》、《美国人民》、《全球通史》都是我和北大出版社的几位同事编辑制作的，在这里推荐给大家，并无王婆卖瓜之意。而是这些作品的价值早已被日本和美国的读者高度认可，接下来才被我们选中并翻译出版。此外，《全球通史》多年来一直是北大社的头牌畅销书，在读者中树立了很好的口碑。据我所知，长三角、珠三角，以及华北的许多中学历史教师在命高考题或模拟题时，《全球通史》堪称题库。而且，不少地方的大学在自主招生考试的笔试和口试环节，也经常问及学生对《全球通史》的了解情况，以考察其知识储备的广度和深度。当然，说起这些，不是让大家为了应试而读书，那会很没意思。而是建议大家博采众长，好好培养培养自己的“慧根”。毕竟，用智慧照亮自己的内心，才是“启蒙”一词的本义。

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  Firo 2013-06-28 09:20:52

  期待已久。。快点来吧。

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  Dr.Faustus (大学之道，在作新民) 管理员 楼主 2013-06-28 09:49:16

  好，这两天我好好准备一下，下周一咱们就开始讨论。

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  大漠孤烟 2013-07-04 13:03:25

  没想到Dr. Faustus当面见过弗里曼教授啊！我给中学生实习上课的时候，就是受她影响太大，学生普遍反应我说话机关枪（我本人就是爱这种机关枪美语，听起来畅快，另外教授这表情和这手势，天下一绝！），还有自己虽然在中学上课，但是爱扯教科书上没有的奇闻轶事，这习惯开始不知道从哪里学来的，后来我才注意到，弗里曼教授自己实际也知道，自己爱瞎扯……

  另外，今年找工作的时候，弗里曼教授的讲座是我最重要的精神食粮，路上就是反复的听mp3，尤其是喜欢最后一课的微言大义，给了我极大的勇气面对生活。

  不过这里想问下，Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution哪里能搞到电子版，这书太贵，也没机会从北大调阅然后复印一套啊！

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  Dr.Faustus (大学之道，在作新民) 管理员 楼主 2013-07-09 14:19:35

  北大也没有弗里曼教授指定的Major Problems 的第二版，读研的时候，我曾在北大图书馆读过该书第一版，在南开历史系资料室读过第二版，并曾复印过一部分。一晃毕业好几年了，复印本也破得不成样子啦，而且勾画得密密麻麻，乱七八糟的，有点儿拿不出手。大家若是在南开有熟人，建议请他们帮忙给复印一本全的。

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